TIDE WITH POWER AND THE PRESS INDONESIA*

TIDE WITH POWER AND THE PRESS INDONESIA*By: Muh. Iqbal Sultan *
PROLOGUEThe term "Press" was no stranger to our ears. First appeared during the reign of the press Cayus Julius (100-44 BC) in the Roman state. It was planted some white board in the open field where people gather. Chalkboard called Forum Romanum contains official announcements. According to its contents, bulletin boards can be divided into two kinds. Acta Senatus first contains brief reports on meetings of the senate and its decisions. Second, Acta Diurna Populi Roman containing decisions from meetings of the people and other news. Acta Diurna This is a propaganda tool of the Roman government that contains news of events that need to be known by the people.

If the press is always watching historical experience ups and downs in its development, can sometimes be the opposite and friends to power. Similarly, in Indonesia when the press began to flourish in the era of the VOC. The pressure against the press in Indonesia has been started since the time of the VOC through various forms of rule of law. In 1712 the VOC ban newspapers that contain news of commerce, because the fear of losing the competition VOC trade from these reports.

Then press the represfif continued pressure on Japan to Indonesia. Although very brief era of Japanese occupation in Indonesia, but could make a cage in the world press, known by the term "Osamu Serei" or preventive censorship. Restrictions on freedom of the press is set forth in the Act No.16 of 1942.

Political developments and the system of government is very influential to the growth media, especially those dealing with press freedom. If within a State was led by the authoritarian power, the press also will be brought under the control of authoritarian. According to Siebert, to know the reality of the press in a country in depth, must first be reviewed philosophical assumptions (basic and essential) who believed and used by these countries, especially concerning human nature, the nature of the state and society, man's relationship with the state, as well as the nature of knowledge and truth.
 Siebert assumption considers that the color of the press sector in the State could not be separated from the style rule. But the press also can not escape from his nature to speak the truth. What is truth in line with the will of the ruler or "against" the flow of power. Harmonization tidal power of the press and always occur even in developed countries that call themselves democratic. As in Indonesia, a description of historical tidal power relationship with the press has three phases: (1) government-resistant Sukarno Era (old order), (2) Government Suharto Era (New Order Era), and (3) Era of Reform. In the era of President Sukarno, the press began to be tamed after it was announced in State of Emergency State of War (SOB) dated March 14, 1957 regarding the rebellion in Sumatra and Sulawesi, followed by the Presidential Decree of July 1, 1959, the prevailing system of government in Indonesia is an authoritarian government.In this discussion we restrict the freedom of the press on the color phase of the New Order. At this phase are grouped into two categories, namely (1) Period "Honey Moon" Year 1966-1974, or before pristiwa Malari (Catastrophe January 14 and January 15, 1974), and (2) The period from 1974 to 1998, after pristiwa Malari. This categorization is considered by the authors as the two most contrasting color associated with the press with power relations in Indonesia. In the honeymoon period, Indonesia with a free press to do a critique of power, as well as structurally visible growth in the number of press publications are quite significant. And in the aftermath of pristiwa Malari, the world press digayuti black cloud began to live in the shackles of authoritarian and tightly controlled by the ruling government. Banning the press experience and not allowed to rise again, as well as growth stagnated media.Various regulations are made to imprison freedom of the press such as the issuance of licensing, supervision of private printing, and the establishment of LKBN Between, and also appear SIUPP rules. However, the New Order government regulation of the most highlighted is Menpen Rule No. 1 of 1984 on SIUPP, because the provisions of this law gives very broad powers to the government in restricting the freedom of the press through the freezing of the press publishing company at any time, which is contrary to Article 28 of the Constitution 1945.

1. The period of "Honey Moon" Year 1966 - 1974
 At this time of transition of power occurs, which occurred early in the new order period "honeymoon" for the press. In this transitional period of the press system in Indonesia tend to understand the Libertarian, the press can freely criticize the authorities and support the struggle of students "finish off" the Old Order regime.

Commitment to democracy is shown Suharto, Indonesia was well received by the press who was also struggling to voice Tri Tura. The press was shoulder to shoulder with the Army and the students in cleaning the communist party in Indonesia. "From now on this era is actually happening 'honeymoon' between the press and the government, because the government gives" leeway and tolerance - as early commitments - against criticism of the press to the country itself ". The Birth of Law Number 11 Year 1966 on Basic Provisions of the Press in this era, is a milestone in the history of Indonesia where press freedom is guaranteed in article 4 that: "To the National Press are not subject to censorship and prohibition."

But this freedom does not last long, because after the Government's New Order regime felt strong enough, the Soeharto regime began to restrictions on various areas of life, so that the Indonesian press back to understand authoritarian. In the New Order era, the Indonesian press as the press framed the development or the press Pancasila which is the way the government to control freedom of the press because, in practice, the concept of development or the press Pancasila press had become authoritarian press system. Especially after the pristiwa Malari tarnished during the Soeharto government. So then pristiwa The impact on the Indonesian press freedom because it is considered the provocateur by lifting the news that discredits the government, such as cases of corruption at Pertamina, the news purchase warships, the Suharto family business involvement, and others.

In the new order there are two figures are very thick with the restraint of the press is Ali Murtopo and Harmoko. Both figures are the scourge of this new order for press freedom in Indonesia that caused a lot of resistance. Both figures also exerting pressure on the press through the chief editors meeting, or by telephone by an officer to the editorial board. The last thing this by various parties said to be growing with fertile "phone culture" among officials. So the news that its authority to impose new order of power will be cut before they are published. Finally the concept of news is only filled with news such as traffic officials ceremonially, official inauguration ceremony and inauguration of the construction.

2. Year period 1974 - 1998Period in 1974 was the beginning of the press by the authorities pembelengguan new order. Initial period was also marked by grim pristiwa Fifteen Januarai (Malari). The incident happened as Prime Minister (PM) Japan Kakuei Tanaka was visiting Jakarta (14 to 17 January 1974). Students planning to greet his arrival with a demonstration at Halim Perdanakusuma Air Base. In the case of January 15, 1974 better known as "Incident Malari", recorded at least 11 people dead, 300 injured, 775 people were arrested. As many as 807 cars and 187 motorcycles were damaged / burned, 144 buildings damaged. A total of 160 kg of gold disappeared from a number of jewelry stores.

Malari events can be viewed from various perspectives. Some view it as a student demonstration against foreign capital, especially Japanese. Some observers saw this as a disaffection of the intellectuals of the personal assistant (Aspri) President Suharto (Ali Moertopo, Soedjono Humardani, Let.jen. Ibnu Sutowo, President Director of Pertamina State oil company who was accused of corruption) that has a very big power. This opinion is based on a corruption case dibongkarnya Pertamina (investigating report) by the newspaper Indonesia Raya leader Muchtar Lopez.

Student action ended January 17, 1974 after the repressive measures by the military. Then President Suharto summoned the leaders of prominent newspaper editors in a meeting to clarify the issue of his involvement in major companies such as Astra, Batik Keris and Bogasari and Shaheed. And start Malari incident as one of the justifications used by the New Order regime to conduct suppression of press freedom in Indonesia. The issuance of the press began to threatened bans known as 'pembrangusan', namely lift Publication License.Honeymoon period came to an end with a number of newspapers published for banned forever revoked by SIT and SIC include daily: Nusantara, We, Indonesia Raya, The Jakarta Times, Wenang, Pemuda Indonesia, Guidelines, and the weekly magazine Express, ( Jakarta), Suluh Daily News (Surabaya), Weekly Student Indonesia (Bandung), and Pos Indonesia (Ujung Pandang). The next step is to cut the democratic ruler widely, as do memberla ¬ sole forum and fusion of several political parties. The government issued two provisions of the Decision of the inaugural Menpen PWI and SPS as the only organization of journalists and press publishers, as well as the inaugural U.S. Newspaper Publishers as the only organization of the printing press.At that time Ali Murtopo great control. Proximity to the Suharto made a career Ali Murtopo increasingly uphill so appointed as cabinet ministers in the new order information. The presence of Ali Murtopo occupy jobs that closely related to the press or media world increasingly curb press freedom. The press and mass media in the contamination terstrukturkan ruling political interests.Restraint against the media does not stop here. During Harmoko, the press increasingly manipulated by the ruling. Addition to being a mouthpiece of the new order of power, also controlled by the Golkar party which becomes a single majority. The term red plate of the press can no longer be distinguished by the term yellow press. At this time there were some media that banned such tabloid Detik, Tempo and Editor, for being "opposed" to the lord.But authorities in efforts to control the media do not stop here. Within the restrictions on freedom of the press, the government also tried to co-optation of the press for the running program can get support from the community who was sticking out as an "active community participation in development". Therefore, the role of media is necessary for raising the mass, thus requiring cooperation with the press. Forms of cooperation manifested by providing support through a variety of assistance and facilities. However, the facilities given followed by several requirements that should not be violated, namely: (1) The media must not offend the Suharto family, (2) The media must not offend the dual function of ABRI, and (3) The media should not write things related to the problem of racial intolerance.

At this time the term appears press the Pancasila and the Press Building, all of which is a reflection of the co-optation of power over the media. Indonesian press is framed as a press or press Pancasila development by developing a mechanism for positive interaction between the press, government and society and the press concept of development that was developed based on the model of supporting communication for development (the development support communication model). However, in practice, the concept of development or the press Pancasila press had become authoritarian press system that is used as a propaganda tool for national economic development. At this time there is a tendency of the press to "instrument" of power.

As a minister of Information, Harmoko Kelompencapir trigger movement (groups of listeners, readers and viewers) that are intended as a tool to disseminate information from the government. Harmoko was considered successful in influencing the results of elections (elections) through what is referred to as "Safari Ramadhan." As Chairman of the DPP Golkar, Harmoko also known as the originator of the term "Rally Kader." Finally, he served as Chairman of Parliament who raised the Soeharto period of 1993-1998 to his tenure as president of the 6th. But two months later asking him Harmoko also falls when the movement of people and students who are demanding reforms appear to no longer be controlled.

3. Reform Period 1998 - present

Reform period is a wonderful moment for the press. Such as a dimension of an era, then the word reform cargo ditumpukan core values that become the foundation and hope the state and society. Reform simply means a change in the structure and rules of good games in the field of economy and politics. Theoretically, the change is sought for a new order of state and society will become more democratic politically and economically more rational. And that is no less important is the opening of expression for the press to voice their conscience of the people.Reform movement spearheaded by students moving simultaneously across Indonesia. In Jakarta, students master the parliament building for several days. Four ma ¬ ¬ ha ¬ sis wa Trisakti killed when requesting Soe har ¬ ¬ to resign from the chair of RI-1. The four ma ¬ college students are killed it is the Eagle Mulya, Hafidin Royan, Hen ¬ ¬ Dria Sie wan and Hery Hartanto. Later in Makassar, the reform movement that involves students and community elements centered on the field Karebosi. Along the way Oerip Soemoharjo to witness the history of reform in Makassar, which then at that time called the road of reform.It was triggered by a monetary crisis that hit Asia in 1997 that hit also to Indonesia. In fact, the crisis also hit economic sectors. Demands from students for breaking down the old order (New Order) is absolute, because it has been shown to produce an order of the political regime is authoritarian and unpopular. Institutionalisasi political power has become increasingly elitist and personal. Elitist because of political recruitment did not heed the aspirations of the general public. Elections are only a tool legitimize the existing power. Personal because almost all important decisions are not in the hands of the highest state institution and / or high state, but in the hands of a ruler. Sounds that are too critical silenced: Release SIUPnya permit revoked, students, politicians, and NGO activists jailed; party leaders and social institutions shaken. In the economic field to produce some excesses such as KKN (corruption, collusion and nepotism), and the emergence croni ruling elite.

Only 70 days later after he was reappointed president for the seventh time period, Suharto was forced to resign from his post as president. President Soeharto stepped down exactly 21 May 1998. Promptly at 9:10 pm (West Indonesian Time), Suharto quit from his post as president and was succeeded by Vice-President, BJ Habibie. This brings "fresh air" for press freedom in Indonesia.

Is Yunus Yosfiah the time was serving as Minister of Information on the Reform Cabinet, which opens 'Pandora box' freedom of the press, by revoking various regulations that handcuff the freedom of the press, such as: (1) Permenpen No.01/Per/Menpen/1984 About Rules Terms Of Business License Publishing Press (SIUP), and (2) SK. Menpen No.214A/Kep/Menpen/1984 About Procedures and Requirements To Obtain SIUP. Government and other policy reform is to revoke Decree No. 47 of 1975 Menpen about the government's recognition of PWI as the only journalist organizations in Indonesia.

Of course the policy is opened up opportunities for the life of the national press in a free, not only in growing the publication but also provided space for social functions control the press. The issuance of the press also grew like mushrooms, is estimated to have reached the figure of the 2000s in 2001. This is caused also by the growth of press publications in the city of province, district, and even in the district also has a newspaper or magazine.

The euphoria of freedom of opinion and freedom of association, not only marked by the number of newspapers or the media, but also the political parties grew like mushrooms. Various news boundaries, which the New Order is considered taboo and politically dangerous, now as if vanished in the wind of freedom ". This euphoria of freedom that resulted in excessive so that the press tends to out of control. However, loss of control of the authorities towards the press, does not mean the press is not controlled at all because in this era of "people power" into a frightening power. For example, organizations FPI (Islamic Defenders Front), Betawi forum consultation and various other organizations has always been a pressure group for the media today. One example is the rejection of Playboy magazine published in Indonesia, is the refusal spearheaded by the FPI. In Surabaya, for example, on March 5, 1999, born Consumers Foundation Press (YLKP). Menyimpullkan Press Council: "The balance between freedom and responsibility, among others, based on the general supervisory function of society (media watch) in addition to internal controls in the form of an ombudsman.

PRESS AND POWERS

The development of the world's press and communications media in general is growing rapidly these days is the opportunity and challenge for the press. In this competitive era kelangsung challenge to the life of a press agency, no longer comes from the dominant power. However, the viability of an institution of the press is very much determined by the press agency itself. That is just the press who can display good quality and well liked by audiences who will survive. Not to mention the development of the press on-line or cyberpress increasingly sophisticated make audiences increasingly away from the press manual. To obtain extensive information easily accessible through the Internet just by clicking on the search engines. Therefore, today's challenge of the press should be able to look at the desire "public sphere" 6.The question then is Could the mass media, especially the Indonesian press to be a public sphere that can be separated from the dominant group? Dominant group, of course, government (state power), owners of capital (capital power), and the audience (public). If the observed mass media in Indonesia ahead of Election 2004 and Election 2009 until now generally have an attachment with the capitalist system. Therefore, the press and other mass media are forced to large profit-oriented and sensitive to read the market demand. This opportunity is also used by political parties for political advertising and create imagery that is excessive (hyper reality). The result is that in the 2009 election, only parties which have large budgets and are able to buy political advertising that is able to meet the Parliamentary Threshold (PT).

The ability of the press as a propaganda tool of social politics is to have a very vital position in the era of democratization which requires transparency. Press affair with the ruling should have ended on this day. If an institution of the press or the media want to exist then what is needed is the quality of presentation (content), sound management, and the morality of the press who have put forward.

CONCLUSIONThere are three phases of the New Order political climate preformance. The first phase, 1966 - 1974 was marked by an open atmosphere, competitive and popular participation is high. Even the political expression is relatively free society. This is where political communication honeymoon in Indonesia occurred. People freely criticize the old, the Old Order, because of its failure to stem the spread of communism and poverty. This initial period is similar as in the current reform era in which the expression contained in the mass media and the formation of political parties whose numbers currently more than 40 parties.Phase 1974 - 1998, beginning with pristiwa Malari which subsequently leads to repressive control of political communication in which political activity, the press and public statements began to be restricted. The existence of strict social controls should be tailored to the ideology of Pancasila. In the phase of the 1998 reform, culminating in the resignation of Soeharto's May 21, 1998 due to strong pressure. Communications monopoly is no longer held by the state but the start offset and even undermined by interest groups such as NGOs and the campus.There are 3 categories in the realm of press freedom in each country, namely:1. Realm of law relating to regulations that can affect the mass media such as the tendency of governments that use the law and legal institutions to restrict the media.2. Political sphere is the level of political control on the news. Included in this category such as editorial independence of media and government-owned private property, access to information and its source, agency or self-censorship and censorship, freedom of reporters preach something freely without interference, intimidation of journalists by the state or anyone else, including arbitrary detention , assault and other threats.3. Economic sphere, including the structure of media ownership, transparency, concentration of ownership, the cost to develop the media as the cost of production, distribution, advertisement tax cuts or subsidies from government or private sector, the impact of corruption and bribery, and rates of economic situation of one country that affect the development of the media.... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ..>>>>>><<<<<<<< ... ... ... ... ... .... ....